Direct and Indirect Effects of WWI on 20th Century Genocide. <Need your opinion...>

Discussion in 'IntroSpectrum' started by BeEgEe, Dec 4, 2006.

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  1. BeEgEe

    BeEgEe El Warm Shot

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    The FIU policy calls for military action so the we must address just how logistically, and tactically feasible for it is for the US military to carry out. The policy calls for immediate insertion of combat troops into theater, therefore we must analyze the required number of ground troops, intelligence, armor, and air support it will require for the US military to prosecute the policy's prescriptions. We also must consider the current and future obligations of the military, and the discuss the constraints and limitations of resources necessary to implement the policy. The state of our military must also be taken into consideration before adopting a such a policy. Our being engaged in a prolonged war on two different fronts over the last five years has placed a heavy burden on the US military. We must estimate if and when the required resource may become available to implement the policy prescriptions. Also, Sudan is considered a part of the Arab world so the US must consider how neighboring and regional states might react to counter the insertion of US troops. Libya also sits on the border of Sudan and their close proximity to Darfur must also be taken into account when drawing up a war or contingency plan.


    The overall political feasibility of this policy proposal must also be analyzed in great detail.


    How challenging would this be to sell to the American people, and would this be viewed as a favorable, productive foreign policy. How might the rest of the world view such a course of action taken on by the United States, and how would heavily invested foreign allies react to our military presence in the region.

    The overall political feasibility of this policy proposal must also be analyzed in great detail. What kind of support domestically would there be from both the population and lawmakers for inserting US combat forces deep into Central Africa? What effects (negative and positive) would this have on the administration, and how should this policy be packaged to introduce it to the American public and the world? How challenging would this be to sell to the American people, and would this be viewed as a favorable, productive foreign policy? How might the rest of the world view such a course of action taken on by the United States, and how would heavily invested foreign allies react to our military presence in the region? Would this action undermine the legitimacy of the UN and NATO? What might be some of the political ramifications of having such a large miltary force on the border of states we deem sponsors or terror? These are all important questions that should bare some internal reflection before adopting such a policy.


    Is this policy Budget



    Can a war and contingency plan be also be drawn up



    For the FIU policy to work it must meet certain criteria requirements, be relatively sustainable, and ready for immediate implementation.

    Determining the budgetary feasibility of this proposed policy is critical to its implementation. By analyzing budgetary limitations or allowances, we can discover the probable size and scope of the operation, or its possible improbability. What are the cost estimates (high and low) for carrying out this type of military engagement? Does the Defense budget allow for such an expenditure? What is the policy's importance in terms of necessity to US interests, goals, and strategic objectives? Would it be acceptable to only fund a portion of the suggested policy proscriptions, and how would that effect possible results and the overall policy? Also, determining what projects to postpone or cut funding for in support of this policy will have a ripple effect on the favoribility of the policy.
    The assessment of all the budgetary aspects of the proposed policy will determine the


    For the FIU policy to work it must meet certain criteria requirements, be relatively sustainable, and ready for immediate implementation. It must also show itself to be tactically and logically feasible for the US military to conduct. The policy must account for the probable timetables for all aspects to be carried out. It must also be politically practical, and ideally backed by popular support across the board. Budgetary constraints and provisions will play a crucial role in determining if and how this policy will be implemented. For this policy to ever come to fruition, it must budgetarily possible and plausible. Even if it measures up in every other category, if there is no funds to implement it, then it is dead in the water.



    rules of engagement
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  2. I have discovered a block of text that you will ignore for the rest of your life

    And I will use it everywhere you go on the Internet to chase you away from places.
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  3. BeEgEe

    BeEgEe El Warm Shot

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    lol.

    im not ignoring it.

    You cannot form fit abortion as genocide. no matter how you logically package it.


    Abortion is a component of genocide, it in itself is not genocide.


    name me one scholar who regonizes it as such.
    their are none.

    one book
    one puplication
    one article

    that specifically makes the argument that modern day abortion is tantamount to genocide, not infanticide, not politicide, but genocide.


    and again, why are you interested in labeling it as such.
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  4. Now logic is not enough to define genocide!

    Genocide can now be defined illogically!

    Finally, someone admits it!
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  5. BeEgEe

    BeEgEe El Warm Shot

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    you've yet to anwser my question.
    which is almost a year old.
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  6. Spin BeeGee spin! spin it! never answer this direct quote!

    Never! ignore it! come up with ANY reason to avoid this!
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  7. BeEgEe

    BeEgEe El Warm Shot

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    Ghet, you master of the internet.


    How hard would it be to find one Article, Journal Publication and/or Book to support your claim that modern day abortion is tantamount to genocide.


    Show me one scholar who has staked their reputation on this claim and argued on its behalf.

    it should take you no less than 30 seconds.




    no doubt you would have if any existed at all.


    and again, why are you so interested in labeling it as such.
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  8. BeEgEe

    BeEgEe El Warm Shot

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    It would be easy to put me in my place (and shut me up) by showing me the vast community of scholars who agree with you.

    I mean it's common knowledge right.
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  9. BeEgEe

    BeEgEe El Warm Shot

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    a year and a half ago
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  10. BeEgEe

    BeEgEe El Warm Shot

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    The FIU policy calls for military action so the we must address just how logistically, and tactically feasible for it is for the US military to carry out. The policy calls for immediate insertion of combat troops into theater, therefore we must analyze the required number of ground troops, intelligence, armor, and air support it will require for the US military to prosecute the policy's prescriptions. We also must consider the current and future obligations of the military, and the discuss the constraints and limitations of resources necessary to implement the policy. The state of our military must also be taken into consideration before adopting a such a policy. Our being engaged in a prolonged war on two different fronts over the last five years has placed a heavy burden on the US military. We must estimate if and when the required resource may become available to implement the policy prescriptions. Also, Sudan is considered a part of the Arab world so the US must consider how neighboring and regional states might react to counter the insertion of US troops. Libya also sits on the border of Sudan and their close proximity to Darfur must also be taken into account when drawing up a war or contingency plan.
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  11. BeEgEe

    BeEgEe El Warm Shot

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    It is possible for the US Military to carry out the policy prescriptions laid out by the FIU policy on Darfur. It is both tactically and logistically feasibile for the military to prosecute the multiple recommedations (insertion of combat troops into theater, establisment of safe and secure supply lines, reinforcment and fortification of relief camps) of the proposed policy. However, the required resorces (ground troops, intelligence, armor, and air support) to execute such a plan are simply not availible. The military is currently bogged down on two seperate fronts (Iraq and Afganistan) and cannot divert the resources that would be nessasary to undertake such an incursion into Central Africa. The military could not even proportionally support such a plan, or provide any resources over a period of time due to its current obligations and commitments. Some US combat brigades are all ready serving their 4th and 5th tours of duty in both Iraq and Afganistan. Both of these wars have pushed every facet of the military further and faster than it was ever intended to go. The US military could not immediatly conduct any operation of the size and scope the FIU policy calls for. The UN and NATO virtually have their hands tied, and cannot assist in this effort. The A.U peacekeeping forces are almost designed to be ineffective and their numbers aren't adaquate to have any real effect on the implementation of the policy.

    Even if the US military elected to implement these plans, it would have other damaging effects on the region and the world. Taking unilateral military action would only serve to undermine the legitimacy of the UN, NATO, and the AU. Also, the Department of Defense must also take into consideration the possible reprocussions of inserting such a large force of combat troops into the Arab world. Libya would undoubtably be threatened by such a manuver, and would likely mobilize forces to their sourthern border. This would not be in the interest of the US, and could damage already fragile relations with the Libyan government.

    Libya

    AU UN NATO
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  12. This is a direct quote from M. Hassan Kakar. I simply provided the links to reflect what was said.

    I bet you don't know who M. Hassan Kakar is.
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  13. BeEgEe

    BeEgEe El Warm Shot

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    ghet stop.

    I use this thread to post up reports and jot down ideas for future use.


    dont rehash the same bullshit from over a year ago.
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  14. BeEgEe

    BeEgEe El Warm Shot

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  15. BeEgEe

    BeEgEe El Warm Shot

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    Kakar does not refer to abortion as genocide.
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  16. Sun Zoo

    Sun Zoo Speech is my Hammer

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    Personally I'm not really convinced. SOME genocide has its roots in WWI, but the theory that the massive casualties of WWI made genocide more acceptable to people post-WWI isn't really supported at all in your paper. Plus, if you're trying to prove that ALL genocides are directly linked to WWI, you need to include some examples from outside Europe and Africa. What about Cambodia? What about the genocides committed by the Japanese in the Sino-Japanese War?
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  17. BeEgEe

    BeEgEe El Warm Shot

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    thanks for the feedback.

    The brief this was done for was focused on just the genocides mentioned. My goal was not to prove that ALL moderen genocides were linked to WWI, but to show the direct and indirect effects of WWI on these specific 20th century genocides.

    This theory was offered only to adress central europe, Germany in particular, in this briefing memo. The original paper was 8 pages in length and then shortened to 2 for this brief. I understand where you are coming from, but wouldn't you agree what WWI acclimatized people of central europe to mass violence.
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  18. BeEgEe

    BeEgEe El Warm Shot

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    I argue that The numbing effect total war has on society’s conditions them to concepts like wholesale industrialized death. The populations’ willingness to perpetrate the genocide is what gives these regimes annihilative power.

    would you agree, disagree

    why.
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  19. BeEgEe

    BeEgEe El Warm Shot

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    The overall political feasibility of this policy proposal must also be analyzed in great detail. What kind of support domestically would there be from both the population and lawmakers for inserting US combat forces deep into Central Africa? What effects (negative and positive) would this have on the administration, and how should this policy be packaged to introduce it to the American public and the world? How challenging would this be to sell to the American people, and would this be viewed as a favorable, productive foreign policy? How might the rest of the world view such a course of action taken on by the United States, and how would heavily invested foreign allies react to our military presence in the region? Would this action undermine the legitimacy of the UN and NATO? What might be some of the political ramifications of having such a large miltary force on the border of states we deem sponsors or terror? These are all important questions that should bare some internal reflection before adopting such a policy.
    test
  20. BeEgEe

    BeEgEe El Warm Shot

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    While the FIU policy might garner some domestic support, it would most likely not attain the level required to bring it before congress. Recent data collected from polling show that more than 2/3 of the American people want the U.S out out of Iraq. Its not that far of a logical step to assume that the public would not want the U.S to commit more troops to separate conflict on a different continent. The lack of support from the people would also effect the will of the congress to sign off on, and fund such an operation. The FIU policy, as proposed, would be extremely hard for this, or any future administration to package and sell to the American public. Even showing interest in committing forces for and undermined amount of time to another armed conflict would have negative effects (popularity and support) on this or any future administration. It is simply unfeasible for this policy to even be proposed by the U.S government, much less implemented.

    The effects that adopting this policy will have on our relations with other states must also be considered. Both China and France, who are considered valuable allies to the US, are both staunch opponents of US military intervention in Sudan. Both states even opposed issuing strong economic sanctions against the Sudanese government if it continued its violent bombing campaigns into Darfur. It would not be in the interest of the US to take on these two strong allies in order to implement such a overbearing policy. In addition, the implementation of this policy would tarnish the legitimacy of the hard power of the UN and NATO. It would also hamper the UN's ability to resolve conflict by employing its soft power. It would not be in the US interest to to weaken or side-step either of these two extremely potent international organizations.

    Peacekeeping and military incursions into foreign lands have come at a high cost to recent administration's. In 1993 the Clinton administration paid a high political price for an aggressive incursion into Somalia to capture members of a rebel militia. During the failed raid there were two Black Hawk helicopters shot down, 500 Somali civilian casualties, and 19 US service personal of the highest caliber were lost. This was a terrible blow the Clinton administrations foreign policy record, and cost them dearly in popular support both domestically and abroad. Later the US would engage the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in a NATO led bombing campaign. This operation garnered little popular support, and angered both Russia and China who both opposed such action. While the air campaign brought weakened FRY and brought peace to Kosovo, it took a massive toll on the administrations popular support. Both these examples pale in comparison to the scope and size of the proposed FIU policy, and would likely have similar end results. While the operation might have some successes, it would likely be have a detrimental effect on the current administrations popular support, and could devolve and compound and already grim situation.



    Somolia
    Bosnia

    c

    This policy could easily bare the same result as these twow




    This type of


    The genocide in Sudan and gain a certainly of notarity lately
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